Journals of the Continental Congress

Second Continental Congress: July 4, 1776

July 4, 1776

The deliberations over the Declaration of Independence come to an end and all the states except New York agree to Independence. Thomas Jefferson indicates the differences between the Fair Copy approved by the Committee and the final document approved by Congress.

Link to date-related documents.

Journals of the Continental Congress, [Edited]

Resolved, That an application be made to the committee of safety of Pennsylvania for a supply of flints for the troops at New York: and that the colony of Maryland and Delaware be requested to embody their militia for the flying camp, with all expedition, and to march them, without delay, to the city of Philadelphia.

Congress resolved itself into a committee of the whole, to further consider, the declaration; and, after some time, Benjamin Harrison reported that the committee of the whole Congress have agreed to a Declaration, which he delivered.

The Declaration being again read, was agreed to.

[Editor’s Note.  Washington Chauncey Ford et al., eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774-1789 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1904-37) at this point insert into the Journals of July 4, 1776 kept by Charles Thompson the text “of the engrossed original in the department of State.” This version has 56 signatures.]

John Hancock.

  • Josiah Bartlett.
  • WMWhipple.
  • Saml Adams.
  • John Adams.
  • Robt Treat Paine.
  • Elbridge Gerry.
  • Steph. Hopkins.
  • William Ellery.
  • Roger Sherman.
  • Samyel Huntington.
  • Wm Williams.
  • Oliver Wolcott.
  • Matthew Thornton.
  • Wm Floyd.
  • Phil Livingston.
  • Frans Lewis.
  • Lewis Morris.
  • Richd Stockton.
  • Jno Witherspoon.
  • FranS Hopkinson.
  • John Hart.
  • Abra Clark.
  • Robt Morris.
  • Benjamin Rush.
  • Benja Franklin.
  • John Morton.
  • Geo Clymer.
  • Jas Smith.
  • Geo. Taylor.
  • James Wilson.
  • Geo. Ross.
  • Cæsar Rodney.
  • Geo Read.
  • Thos M: Kean.
  • Samuel Chase.
  • Wm Paca.
  • Thos Stone.
  • Charles Carroll of Carrollton.
  • George Wythe.
  • Richard HenryLee.
  • Th. Jefferson.
  • Benja Harrison.
  • Thos Nelson, Jr.
  • Francis Lightfoot Lee.
  • Carter Braxton.
  • WM Hooper.
  • Joseph Hewes.
  • John Penn.
  • Edward Rutledge.
  • Thos Heyward, Junr.
  • Thomas Lynch, Junr.
  • Arthur Middleton.
  • Button Gwinnett.
  • Lyman Hall.
  • Geo Walton.

Ordered, That the declaration be authenticated and printed.

That copies of the declaration be sent to the several assemblies, conventions and committees, or councils of safety, and to the several commanding officers of the continental troops; that it be proclaimed in each of the United States, and at the head of the army.

Ordered, That Robert Morris and Joseph Hewes determine the hire of Mr. Walker’s vessel, which was employed by Commodore Hopkins in the service of the continent.

A Letter from General Washington, dated New York, July 3rd, was laid before Congress and read:

Resolved, That the delegates of New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, be a committee to confer with the committee of safety of Pennsylvania etc., on the best means of defending New Jersey and Pennsylvania; and that they be empowered to send expresses where necessary:

That the Secret Committee be instructed to order the flints belonging to the continent, and now at Rhode Island, to be sent to the general at New York.

The Congress proceeded to the appointment of two commissioners for Indian affairs in the middle department: Jasper Yeates and John Montgomery. Benjamin Franklin and James Wilson shall request that they attend the treaty with the Indians at Pittsburg, on the day appointed.

Resolved, That tomorrow be assigned for filling up the vacancies in the committee for Indian affairs.

That the president be empowered to employ another private secretary.

Resolved, That the Board of War be empowered to employ such a number of persons, as they shall find necessary, to manufacture flints for the continent; and, for this purpose, to apply to the respective assemblies, conventions and councils, or committees of safety of the United American States, or committees of Inspection of the counties and towns thereunto belonging, for the names and places of abode of persons skilled in the manufactory aforesaid, and of the places, in their respective states, where the best flint stones are to be obtained, with samples of the same.

Resolved, That Benjamin Franklin, John Adams and Thomas Jefferson, be a committee, to bring in a device for a seal for the United States of America.

Resolved, That the Secret Committee be instructed to sell 25 lb. of powder to John Garrison, of North Carolina.

Adjourned to 9 o’Clock to Morrow.

[Editor’s Note. 1)There is no evidence that there was a signing of the Declaration by the delegates before August 2 even though Jefferson wrote that the Declaration was “agreed to by the house,” and it was “signed by every member present except Mr. Dickinson.” 2) The July 4th letters of Abraham Clark to Elias Dayton and the Committee of Congress to the Lancaster Associators, indicate that the Declaration was approved in the morning. Jefferson suggests that the Declaration was signed at the end of the day. The Journal indicates that further business was conducted after the Declaration was approved]

Abraham Clark to Elias Dayton (Colonel, New Jersey Forces)

Our Congress Resolved to Declare the United Colonies Free and independent States. A Declaration for this Purpose, I expect, will this day pass Congress, it is nearly gone through, after which it will be Proclaimed with all the State & Solemnity Circumstances will admit. It is gone so far that we must now be a free independent State, or a Conquered Country….


[ Editor’s Note.  I have relied on the nine volume edition of H. A. Washington, editor, The Writings of Thomas Jefferson (New York:  John C. Riker, 1853). Congress authorized the publication of this edition in 1853. Jefferson underlined the parts deleted by Congress.  The parts inserted by Congress are italicized within the parentheses. The final four paragraphs were placed next to each other in the Washington edition:  the first and second are in a left hand column, and the third and fourth are in a right hand column.]

Notes on Debates in Congress, July 2-4, 1776

Congress proceeded the same day to consider the Declaration of Independence, which had been reported and lain on the table the Friday preceding, and on Monday referred to a committee of the whole.  The pusillanimous idea that we had friends in England worth keeping terms with, still haunted the minds of many.  For this reason, those passages which conveyed censures on the people of England were struck out, lest they should give them offence.  The clause too, reprobating the enslaving the inhabitants of Africa, was struck out in complaisance to South Carolina and Georgia, who had never attempted to restrain the importation of slaves, and who, on the contrary, still wished to continue it.  Our northern brethren also, I believe, felt a little tenderunder those censures; for though their people have very few slaves themselves, yet they had been pretty considerable carriers of them to others.  The debates, having taken up the greater parts of the 2d, 3d, and 4th days of July, were, in the evening of the last, closed; the Declaration was reported by the committee, agreed to by the House, and signed by every member present, except Mr. Dickinson.  As the sentiments of men are known not only by what they receive, but what they reject also, I will state the form of the Declaration as originally reported.  The parts struck out by Congress shall be distinguished by a black line drawn under them; and those inserted by them shall be placed in the margin or in a concurrent column(s).

A Declaration by the Representatives of the United States of America, in General Congress assembled

When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature’s God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.

We hold these truths to be self evident:  that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their creator with (certain) inherent and inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed; that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness.  Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn that mankind are more disposed to suffer while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed.  but when a long train of abuses and usurpations, begun at a distinguished period and pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security.  Such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to (alter) expunge their former systems of government.  The history of the present king of Great Britain is a history of (repeated) unremitting injuries and usurpations, among which appears no solitary fact to contradict the uniform tenor of the rest but all have (all having) in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these states.  To prove this let facts be submitted to a candid world for the truth of which we pledge a faith yet unsullied by falsehood.

He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.

He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be obtained; and, when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.

He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to the tyrants only.

He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.

He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly and continually for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.

He has refused for a long time after such dissolutions to cause others to be elected, whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise, the state remaining, in the meantime, exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without and convulsions within.

He has endeavored to prevent the population of these states; for that purpose obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners, refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands.

He has (obstructed) suffered the administration of justice totally to cease in some of these states (by) refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers.

He has made our judges dependent on his will alone for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.

He has erected a multitude of new offices by a self assumed power and sent hither swarms of new officers to harass our people and eat out their substance.

He has kept among us in times of peace standing armies and ships of war without the consent of our legislatures.

He has affected to render the military independent of, and superior to, the civil power.

He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdictions foreign to our constitutions and unacknowledged by our laws, giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation for quartering large bodies of armed troops among us; for protecting them by a mock trial from punishment for any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these states; for cutting off our trade with all parts of the world; for imposing taxes on us without our consent; for depriving us (in many cases) of the benefits of trial by jury; for transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offences; for abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries, so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these (colonies) states; for taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering fundamentally the forms of our governments; for suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.

He has abdicated government here (by declaring us out of his protection and waging war against us.) withdrawing his governors, and declaring us our of his allegiance and protection

He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.

He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation and tyranny already begun with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy (scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally) unworthy the head of a civilized nation.

He has constrained our fellow citizens taken captive on the high seas, to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands.

He has (excited domestic insurrections among us, and has) endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions of existence.

He has incited treasonable insurrections of our fellow citizens, with the allurements of forfeiture and confiscation of our property.

He has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating its most sacred rights of life and liberty in the persons of a distant people who never offended him, captivating and carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere or to incur miserable death in their transportation thither.  This piratical warfare, the opprobrium of INFIDEL powers, is the warfare of the CHRISTIAN king of Great Britain.  Determined to keep open a market where MEN should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his negative for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or to restrain this execrable commerce.  And that this assemblage of horrors might want no fact of distinguished die, he is now exciting those very people to rise in arms among us, and to purchase that liberty of which he has deprived them, by murdering the people on whom he also obtruded them:  thus paying off former crimes committed against the LIBERTIES of one people, with crimes which he urges them to commit against the LIVES of another.

In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms:  our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injuries.  A prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant is unfit to be the ruler of a (free) people who mean to be free.  Future ages will scarcely believe that the hardiness of one man adventured, within the short compass of twelve years only, to lay a foundation so broad and so undisguised for tyranny over a people fostered and fixed in principle of freedom.

Nor have we been wanting in attentions to our British brethren.  We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend (an unwarrantable) a jurisdiction over (us) these our states.  We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here, no one of which could warrant so strange a pretension:  that these were effected at the expense of our own blood and treasure, unassisted by the wealth or the strength of Great Britain:  that in constituting indeed our several forms of government, we had adopted one common king, thereby laying a foundation for perpetual league and amity with them:  but that submission to their parliament was no part of our constitution, nor ever in idea, if history may be credited:  and, we (have) appealed to their native justice and magnanimity and (we have conjured them by) as well as to the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations which (would inevitably) were likely to interrupt our connection and correspondence.  They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity, and when occasions have been given them, by the regular course of their laws, of removing from their councils the disturbers of our harmony, they have, by their free election, re-established them in power.  At this very time too, they are permitting their chief magistrate to send over not only soldiers of our common blood, but Scotch and foreign mercenaries to invade and destroy us.  These facts have given the last stab to agonizing affection, and manly spirit bids us to renounce for ever these unfeeling brethren.  We must endeavor to forget our former love for them, and to hold them as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends.  We might have been a free and a great people together; but a communication of grandeur and of freedom, it seems, is below their dignity.  Be it so, since they will have it.  The road to happiness and to glory is open to us too.  We will tread it apart from them, and (we must therefore) acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our eternal separation (and hold them as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends)!

[Left hand column]

We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of America in General Congress assembled, do in the name, and by the authority of the good people of these states reject and renounce all allegiance and subjection to the kings of Great Britain and all others who may hereafter claim by, through or under them; we utterly dissolve all political connection which may heretofore have subsisted between us and the people or parliament of Great Britain:  and finally we do assert and declare these colonies to be free and independent states, and that as free and independent states, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent states may of right do.

And for the support of this declaration, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor.

[Right hand Column]

We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of America in General Congress assembled, appealing to the supreme judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do in the name, and by the authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare, that these united colonies are, and of right ought to be free and independent states; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connection between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved; and that as free and independent states, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce and to do all other acts and things which independent states may of right do.

And for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor.

Edited with commentary by Gordon Lloyd.